TIME: Dispatches From the
Front
Monday, March 31, 2003
By
MICHAEL WARE
/
KURDISTAN
At about 2:45 p.m. Saturday in the Kurdish city of
Gerdigo, in northern Iraq, I heard the thump of a
mortar firing. It was coming from the battle line held
by Ansar al-Islam, a Kurdish fundamentalist Islamic
group that's allied with al-Qaeda, with some support
from Saddam Hussein. The round landed in front of a
forward emplacement held by the Kurdish 61st Uprising
Battalion, part of the anti-Saddam Patriotic Union of
Kurdistan (PUK). Moments later, a second round landed
even closer. The soldiers scurried into their foxholes,
me along with them, before they popped back up to
return fire with a DShK heavy machine gun. Then, from
behind us, came a whomp of an explosion that I knew
wasn't a mortar. Across a grassy field, flame and smoke
belched up from what had been a taxicab. With a
sickening realization we knew that a suicide bomber had
struck. What I didn't know until I got to the scene was
that one of the victims was a colleague, Paul Moran of
the Australian Broadcasting Corp. He was the first
journalist killed in Gulf War II. The most likely
suspect: Ansar.
The mortar attack had been a diversion. The taxi had
detonated near a Kurdish checkpoint where Moran had
been filming some soldiers. The blast loosed a
fireball, charred the asphalt and left the taxi a
smoking hulk. A roadside stall was set alight. Paul
died instantly. Two Kurdish soldiers were also killed
and five more seriously wounded.
In the Kurdish-controlled part of Iraq, war can be a
two-, three-or even four-way fight. Two main Kurdish
groups, the PUK and the Kurdish Democratic Party, have
co-existed uneasily, even though both despise Saddam.
After Sept. 11, several Taliban-like groups also
emerged. They mostly blended into Ansar, which, with
help from Baghdad, has used brutal tactics to try to
impose Islamic fundamentalism on the secular Kurds.
There are no noncombatants here. One morning, while in
a position being bombarded by mortars for six hours,
one of the local fighters known as peshmerga told me,
"These bombs don't recognize your identity." Territory
shifts frequently. The day before the blast, the
checkpoints were manned by a local fundamentalist
militia, known as Komal, which is allied to Ansar and
protects its northern flank.
This wasn't the terrorists' first suicide bombing, but
never before had they successfully targeted a
journalist. Two soldiers and a civilian were ripped
apart on Feb. 26 in the same region, outside the town
of Halabja, when a taxi passenger strapped with
explosives detonated himself at a checkpoint.
Afterward, Kurdish intelligence sources warned us that
more bombers were aiming for journos and our hotel in
Sulaimaniyah. American agencies also warned media
organizations that intelligence traffic had picked up a
threat against the press pack in northern Iraq. The
Kurdish military increased protection for us, beefing
up troops around our hotel, introducing stricter
registration procedures and logging our travels more
closely.
On the day Paul died, Ansar and its allies were
supposed to be on the defensive. The U.S., which
believes the group has ties to al-Qaeda, had set out to
crush its stronghold in the mountains near Iran. For
more than two hours that morning, Ansar had been hit by
what a Kurdish combat commander described as "a
cocktail of Tomahawk and cruise missiles." As many as
40 missiles rained down over the snowy Shinerwe
Mountain from U.S. warships in the Red Sea, killing
dozens and destroying an ammunition dump and a string
of the terrorists' forward bunkers.
The missiles silenced the Ansar mortar batteries. One
impudent mortar that opened up a few hours later was
taken out by a U.S. warplane. The peshmerga cheered the
missiles and spent the day sunning themselves on the
grass. Translated literally, their name means "those
who face death." Tragically, I learned this applies to
journalists too.